Word: ulbricht
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There was another reason why he could not stay. The day after the signing ceremony, Aug. 1 3, was the ninth anniversary of the building of the Wall. It cut off the flow of East Germans trapped within the Stalinist satrapy of Walter Ulbricht, whose regime even today is based on the presence of 20 Soviet divisions...
...Strom Thurmond's charge last week that Brandt was moving toward a "one-sided surrender" to the Russians. In short, Brandt's progress has been sufficiently brisk to raise conjecture about Ostpolitik's logical finale: What would happen if Brandt should grant full recognition to Walter Ulbricht's East German regime...
...seek to extend some form of recognition to East Germany, probably in 18 to 36 months. The timing is of the utmost importance. It might be a mistake for Brandt to yield to East German demands for recognition without first exacting concessions for better relations between the two Germanys. Ulbricht wants above all to legitimize his regime; once West Germany recognizes him, most Third World countries as well as Sweden, Norway, Denmark and, farther down the road, the U.S., might follow suit. This is what Ulbricht wants, and once he gets it, he might veto increased contacts with West Germany...
Sudden recognition would deal East Germany a severe economic blow, though Ulbricht appears willing to pay the price. Refusing to admit that the East Berlin regime was a separate country, Bonn insisted that the 1957 Treaty of Rome contain a provision giving East Germany a special status that, in effect, made it the seventh member of the Common Market. Thus Ulbricht's regime reaps substantial duty-free benefits. But if Bonn recognizes East Germany as a separate entity, those benefits, which saved East Germany an estimated $137 million in tariffs last year, would likely stop...
...Eyed and Aged. The East Bloc's orthodox leaders, notably East Germany's Walter Ulbricht, felt otherwise. Fearful that Dubček's reforms would ignite a liberal movement throughout the bloc, the Kremlin sent tanks to crush Prague's experiment. Because of his strong popular backing in Czechoslovakia, the Soviets for a time allowed Dubček to continue as party first secretary while compelling him to dismantle the very reforms that he had enacted...