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This combination of events in Indochina posed a problem for the President as he worked over a decision on stage four of troop reductions in South Viet Nam. The last of the 50,000 troops of stage three are due out by April 15. That withdrawal will bring to 110,000 the total reduction of U.S. troops. So far, the pullbacks have not seriously , hurt U.S. combat effectiveness. But if Nixon goes ahead with stage four, some at the Pentagon argue, vital muscle may be cut too soon...
...Cambodia as it has not in Viet Nam. In support of this view, an estimated 50,000 demonstrators, led by Fundamentalist Preacher Carl Mclntire, last week held a "March for Victory" along Washington's Pennsylvania Avenue. Stronger political forces at home, however, are pressuring Nixon to continue the troop withdrawals and avoid entanglements in Laos and Cambodia. Maine's Democratic Senator Edmund Muskie, who has begun a weekly series of speeches attacking Administration policy in Viet Nam, last week accused Nixon of reluctance to respond to a French proposal for a new international conference on Indochina similar...
...Army Game. Nixon's vinegar-and-honey approach, which combined the troop call-up and carefully applied judicial pressure with a sincere willingness to negotiate, broke the back of the strike. Though the troops did little to reduce the Post Office backlog, the presence of uniformed (but unarmed) soldiers and military vehicles on the streets of New York convinced the nation and the strikers that the President meant business. To a great extent, the use of servicemen was psychological...
Critical Year. The transfer of command and the departure of the 26th symbolize the end of the Marines' role in Viet Nam. Marine strength there, once up to 86,700, will be reduced to 42,000 when the current phase of troop withdrawals is completed on April 15, and will eventually drop to 10,000. The withdrawal also signals a new battle for the Marines, whose future role is now being re-evaluated in the light of U.S. military needs and the Corps' showing in Viet Nam. Says Corps Commandant Leonard Chapman Jr.: "1970 has become the critical...
Other factors helped crystallize their feelings. The continuing disintegration in Laos, for instance, was an object lesson in the perils of a large North Vietnamese troop presence. In addition, exploratory post-riot talks with the affronted North Vietnamese in Phnom-Penh got nowhere. The Communist diplomats brushed aside the rights or wrongs of their military presence; they were only interested in reparations and a public apology for their ruined embassies. At that point Sihanouk weighed in with a cable warning of Soviet unhappiness with the demonstrations and indicating that he had no plans to get tough with Hanoi...