Word: soviet
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...however, is extremely wary. NATO's acceptance of the invitation, said U.S. Secretary of State William P. Rogers, would put public pressure on the member nations to attend even if there were no prospect for concrete results. "What does the Soviet Union want to achieve by proposing such a conference?" demanded Rogers. "Does it want to deal realistically with the issues that divide Europe or does it seek to ratify the existing division of Europe? Does it intend to draw a veil over the subjugation of Czechoslovakia...
...test of Soviet sincerity, Rogers suggested that the Russians might respond to forthcoming proposals by the Western allies concerning improved land and canal access to West Berlin. He also urged the Soviets to prove that they genuinely want to ease tensions by agreeing to discuss NATO's year-old suggestion for mutual troop reductions in Europe (see chart). The Soviets, however, have shown no interest in such a move. The Red Army forces in Eastern Europe accomplish two major objectives of Soviet foreign policy: they provide perimeter defense of the motherland, and they help to keep the Warsaw Pact...
...reason for the willingness of many Western European officials to go along with the Soviet-proposed conference was the hope of detente with Eastern Europe. Some Western Europeans also fear that the U.S., preoccupied with Viet Nam and domestic difficulties, may one day cease to serve as an effective protector of Western Europe...
Ulbricht reportedly arrived in Moscow two days before the meetings began. His mission was to urge the Soviet leaders to insist on full diplomatic recognition of his German Democratic Republic by Bonn before the Communist countries enter into any dealings with West Germany. But he was overruled by his Warsaw Pact comrades, who badly need trade and industrial credits from prospering West Germany...
...spite of Mao's crude and often ferocious rhetoric, the Mao papers show that the Chairman can tread prudently when faced with political and military realities. Several of his speeches also suggest that Mao feels there is a vital historical and ideological bond between the Soviet Union and China, in spite of what he considers to be betrayal by Stalin and Khrushchev. "In articles and speeches, don't criticize the U.S.S.R.," he instructed the Chinese High Command in 1958. "We learn from the good people and the good things in the Soviet Union as well as from...