Word: militiaization
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...captive's name is Ali Musa Daqduq. American military officials say he is a senior operative from Hizballah, the Shi'ite militia of Lebanon. According to the Americans, Daqduq joined Hizballah in 1983 and rose through the ranks to impressive heights. Then, in 2005, his superiors sent him on a journey to Iran to work with the Quds Force, an elite Iranian paramilitary organization known around the Middle East for its terrorist activities. The Iranian regime has long been a patron of Hizballah and its activities in Lebanon. In Tehran, Daqduq allegedly received orders from Quds Force leaders to settle...
...regime in Tehran, as many as 500 Hizballah operatives are at work training militiamen at the behest of Iran. The PMOI, which claims to have an extensive intelligence network, says most of the Hizballah operatives are serving as trainers or assistant trainers to the Mahdi Army, the Shi'ite militia of firebrand cleric Muqtada al-Sadr...
...wouldn't surprise me," Brooks said. "Evidence of their presence has been here for some time." Brooks said sophisticated kidnapping operations in Iraq and high-tech bombs of the kind Hizballah has been known to use in Lebanon are signs that the group is increasingly a part of the militia scene here. Brooks said that over the past two years Iraqi militia fighters have noticeably increased their destructive capacities against American forces, and he attributed the transformation to the presence of Hizballah and other guerrilla trainers in Iraq under the direction of the Quds Force. "I think it elevated...
...grown dire. There is a wicked little battle brewing between Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and his most powerful Shi'ite supporter, Muqtada al-Sadr. "In just a few months, al-Maliki has moved from 'You can't go after al-Sadr' to seeing [al-Sadr's Mahdi Army militia] as a serious threat to his power," Ambassador Crocker told me in Baghdad a few weeks ago. Both al-Maliki and al-Sadr are plotting and scheming to oust each other. The Sadrist parliamentary bloc is planning to force a no-confidence vote on al-Maliki that could conceivably bring...
...each province is different in terms of its mix of tribalism and sectarianism. In predominately Shi'ite southern Iraq, tribal authority is weak these days. Militia leaders like Moqtada al-Sadr and religious figures such as Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani hold sway over sheiks. Diyala province is largely Sunni, like Anbar and Salahuddin, but not nearly as homogenous as those two western areas. And Baghdad, despite ferocious sectarian cleansing campaigns on both sides, remains a stronghold for both camps...