Word: union
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Dates: during 1950-1959
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...would be far better to ask ourselves whether we have achieved these stated purposes. Have we formed a more perfect Union? Have we ensured domestic tranquillity? Have we established justice? Have we secured the blessings of liberty...
...billion budget, presided over a meeting of the National Security Council on next fiscal year's $41 billion defense budget. He took time out to reassure NATO's visiting Secretary General Paul-Henri Spaak of the U.S.'s strong support for NATO, to reassure the Soviet Union's Atomic Energy Boss Vasily Emelyanov (see SCIENCE) of his hopes for a peaceful atomic future. He got a personal report from the State Department's Livingston Merchant, just back from Panama, on the troubles for the U.S. still simmering on the isthmus (see HEMISPHERE...
Blunt Inquiry. Protestant reaction to the statement was swift. It was tragic, said Dr. John C. Bennett, Congregational minister and faculty dean of New York's Union Theological Seminary, to see Catholic leaders pressing "a point of view . . . which has no sound moral or religious basis, and which has been rejected by most other Christian groups." The Catholic bishops' position, said Episcopal Bishop James A. Pike of San Francisco, would "condemn rapidly increasing millions of people in less fortunate parts of the world to starvation, bondage, misery and despair." Bishop Pike, himself a convert from Roman Catholicism, demanded...
...leader. In defeat he felt strong enough to pledge himself to "a vow of silence, self-imposed," while he "collected the voices" about what was wrong and what needed to be changed. But at his middle-class Hampstead home in north London, he chose to consult not with trade-union leaders, with whom he feels uncomfortable, but with fellow Oxford intellectuals such as Economist Douglas Jay, who publicly urged that the party should drop its "class image" and "nationalization myth" and even consider changing its name...
...showdown, Gaitskell could count on the support of the conservative trade unions, though he knows that union domination of the party is one of the things that repels many voters. The unions, no longer underdogs, no longer able to count on public sympathy for slowdowns, strikes and restrictive practices, are still the most powerful vested interest in the party. They provide 75% of its funds, control 17 of 28 seats in the National Executive Committee, elect 93 of Labor's 258 M.P.s, and cast blocks of a million or more votes at party conferences. And Gaitskell also appealed...